第六章：王政复辟

原书简介：牛津通识读本系列的《斯图亚特英国》，”Stuart Britain：a very short introduction”，讲述在1603-1714年间统治英国的斯图亚特王朝时期的英国史。这个时期见证了英国逐渐步入现代化的种种转变，也见证了英国从绝对君主制转向君主立宪、议会共和政治框架的曲折历程。

系列上一篇：Commonwealth｜共和时期

---

Chapter 6 Restoration Monarchy

p61 Charles was restored unconditionally. His reign was declared to have begun at the moment of his father’s death; those Acts of Parliament to which his father had assented were in force, all the rest were null and void (which meant, for example, that all Crown and Church land sold off by the republic was restored, but also that those royalists who had paid fines or who had repurchased their estates under Commonwealth legislation went uncompensated). …… Since the Long Parliament and those of the interregnum had abused their authority as freely as Charles I had done, it seemed pointless to build them up as a counterpoise to the Crown. Rather, the Restoration settlement sought to limit royal power by handing power back from the centre to the localities.

1.The Settlement

• 时间推进至此，英国经历了冲突导致战争，战争什么也没解决，战争所产生的军事强人无法建立正常运行的稳定政府这三个大情节后，迎来了王室复辟。议会虽然在指挥战争的过程中获得了一些组织能力上的成长，但他们在战争中的一些独断行为也使得一般民众不再想要彻底的议会统治，再说当时的长议会也已经不复存在（被军方清洗后又解散）。克伦威尔死后，军队的凝聚力也随之而去，而所有人都真实而迫切的需一个有合格治理能力的政府，一支忍无可忍的军队最终在1660年5月选择了拥立查理二世复辟。
• 查理二世的确着手开始解决各项问题，扩大地方自治权、遂行宗教宽容、（一定程度上）限制王权、安置被战争搅得四散天涯的各级官僚，等等。

p61-62 What is more, with remarkable nerve and courage, Charles set out to build his regime on as broad a base as possible. He refused to give special positions of favour and trust to his own and his father’s friends. There was to be power-sharing at every level of government: in the council and in the distribution of office at court, in the bureaucracy, and in local government. Old royalists, old parliamentarian moderates who had shunned the interregnum regimes, and Cromwellian loyalists, all found places. …… It took courage to determine that it was better to upset old friends (who would not send the king on his travels again) than to upset old enemies. Plots against Charles II were few and restricted to radical religious sects. Even a government with fewer than 3,000 men in arms could deal with such threats.

2.Lines of Policy

• 但即使在各方面的安置问题上显得仁厚周到，查理二世仍然不是一个足以带来绝对君主制的历史性衰败所需要的体制改革的君主。王室和朝廷的低效、独断、不可预测性，仍然让所有人痛苦。

p63 In general, Charles’s problems arose not from the settlement but from his preferred lines of policy. In some ways, he was a lazy king. His adolescence and early manhood had been dominated by the desire to gain the throne, and once he had returned from exile all his ambition was spent. He was the only one of the Stuarts not to be a visionary, not to have long-term goals. This made it easy for him to back down whenever his policies were strongly opposed. But while he lacked vision, he did not lack prejudices and preferences.

p65-66 The period needed a great administrative reformer in the mould of Henry VIII’s Thomas Cromwell, and it did not find one. Decision-making and policy enforcement needed restructuring and formalizing. The Council was too large and amorphous to be effective, and decisions were too often made at one ad hoc meeting in the king’s chambers and unmade at a subsequent ad hoc meeting. This led to real uncertainty and eventually to panic about who was in charge. With the Council emasculated, enforcement of policy was left to individual ministers and departments without co-ordination. Patronage was chaotically handled. Equally, Parliament was inefficient and increasingly crotchety. …… In part, its inefficiency was due to a growing rivalry between the two Houses, especially over the Lords’ claim to take over much of the jurisdiction of the defunct conciliar courts, and a number of sessions were wrecked by deadlock on such issues. In part, its inefficiency was due to there being no government programme for it to get its teeth into. A body of several hundred members without recognized leadership spent much time discussing what to discuss. With most senior ministers in the Lords, and a predisposition to resist management by the court, the 1660s and 1670s were years of drift. Charles ruled without serious threat to his position at home or abroad.

• 这段让我联想到了最近自己遇到的一些管理困境，感触良多。像这样“members without recognized leadership spent much time discussing what to discuss”的情况，有时候或者因为资源不足、人才不足、经验不足，或者组织架构不合理，领导非人，历史积弊过重，或者没有可工作的问题而出现，属于一种找不到解法就会一直持续下去的自锁状况。最快也是最有可能导向毁灭的路径是出现一个魅力型领袖来凝聚人心，次一级是一个内部联结良好、富有决心的小集团引起变革，最难出现也是最缓慢的是多个节点自发开始把注意力转到真正的问题上。

3.The Exclusion Crisis

• 查理二世的统治还是会不时遇到一些不大不小的治理问题，但是这一阶段中最重要的挑战来自1679-1681年间发生的排斥危机（The Exclusion Crisis），这场危机中形成了现代社会最初的政党雏形。不过这个名词在我以往的中文阅读范围内从来没有碰到过，我猜很多简中读者可能也跟我一样不熟，可以考虑先看看维基百科的相关条目。
• 排斥危机是当时以沙夫茨伯里伯爵（Shaftesbury）为首的一些议员和精英试图进一步限缩王权并且阻止身为天主教徒的合法继承人继承王位的运动。限缩王权是为了保护他们眼中所珍视的政治自由，内容包括权力分散、宗教宽容、反对专制、警惕设立常备军的倾向。在当时人们的观念里，天主教几乎和专制统治是绑定的，而查理一世有一个信奉天主教的继承人（James II）和比起以上价值更愿意维护王政的得力大臣（Danby），再加上一些机缘巧合，紧张局势最终爆发成一场运动。

p68 Danby’s principles were the very antithesis of Shaftesbury’s, in that he had developed sophisticated techniques of parliamentary management, had centralized financial control, had upset the balance of interests in local government to the advantage of Cavalier–Anglicans, seemed willing to develop a standing army in peacetime, and had allied with the Dutch against the French. Shaftesbury, a turncoat in the Civil War, a member of the Barebones Parliament and of Cromwell’s Council of State, who had served Charles as chancellor of the Exchequer and lord chancellor, had a consistent record of supporting free and unfettered Parliaments, decentralization, and religious toleration, a horror of standing armies, and a distaste for the Dutch. Danby’s policies amounted in fact to nothing more than a programme to give Charles II a quiet life: to Shaftesbury it looked like incipient absolutism. By now there was such a conjunction in people’s minds between popery and arbitrary government that even Danby could be portrayed as a secret agent of the papists, despite his impeccable Anglicanism.

p68-69 The result was a full-scale attempt to place a parliamentary bar on the accession of James and thereby to shatter Charles’s divine-right theories of government. …… Only when Danby was imprisoned in the Tower did Shaftesbury turn to Exclusion, as an end in itself and as a means to other ends. These included shattering the theoretical basis of divine right and creating the need for continued political action and cohesion (to secure Exclusion on Charles’s death, for James would hardly accept it without a fight). To secure Exclusion, Shaftesbury created the first political party in English history. His ‘Whigs’ produced a mass of propaganda, organized petitions and demonstrations, and co-ordinated campaigns in three successive general elections (1679–81).

• 扳倒首要政敌后，沙夫茨伯里伯爵开始真正试图通过议会阻止詹姆斯继位。这是一项复杂而艰巨的任务，需要组织和行动，于是围绕着这个目标就产生了动员和凝聚力量的需求，使用的手段是组织情愿、游行、宣传等——这形成了英国历史上第一个类似现代政党及其运作方式的雏形，他们将在持续的动员和活动中逐渐出现更加稳固的形态和认同，他们最终被成为辉格党人（The Whigs）。
• 不过，这次运动在当时以失败告终。辉格党内部对于继承人选存在严重分歧，加上当时的政治运行稳定（财政状况良好），以及在现有框架下君主的优势还是太大，内战的鲜活记忆又让辉格党自身也非常恐惧局势往暴力的方向发展（即，只肯采取合法、和平的行动）。除此之外，排斥运动如果遂行，其意义将会是——议会可以拒绝王位的继承人选，君主的 “君权神授” 即使是在继承人问题上也不能真正置议会于不顾——查理二世不傻，他认识到这一让步必然会给绝对君主制的打击带来原则性的打击。

p69-70 As it was, the same iron nerve, pragmatism, and easy goodwill to all which he had demonstrated in 1660 won him the day. A nation racked by political deadlock for three years backed off, took stock, and rallied to him. In his last years he was able to pick off those who had crossed him, reward those who had stood by him, and enjoy a quiet life at last. He left a nation governed by and for those who believed in the divine right of kings, the divine right of the Church of England, and the divine page 70. right of the localities to run their own affairs. The complacency of the Tory–Anglicans knew no bounds, as they welcomed James II to the throne, the king whose rights they had protected. Such complacency was in for a rude shock.

4.James II

p70-72 James was in fact a bigot. His government of Scotland in the early 1680s had seen a most severe repression and extensive use of judicial torture against Protestant Dissenters (‘conventiclers’). Worse still, James believed himself to be a moderate. …… He would not have hesitated to use his army against a recalcitrant assembly, but he did not intend to rule without Parliament. …… He intended to secure for all time a religious and civil equality for his co-religionists. This meant not only removing from them all the penalties and disabilities under the Penal Laws (fines for non-attendance at Anglican worship) and Test Acts (barring them from all offices and paid employments under the Crown), but also allowing the Catholic Church to be set up alongside the Anglican Church. …… He believed that this granting of ‘equal status’ to Catholics was a humane and moderate programme. If, in the short term, a certain amount of positive discrimination was necessary to favour Catholics in appointments to national and local office, this too was only fair as a correcting exercise.

• 詹姆斯二世在宗教问题上相当偏执，而且更糟糕的是，他自认为是温和派。这种问题的严重性就像一个最高领袖实际上干啥啥不行但自认为很懂，事必躬亲一样具有破坏性。他实际上不是一个阴谋家或者想当一个专制暴君，但他确实自认为必要时用非常手段干政不成问题，坚定的想要给予在当时社会中受排斥的天主教以“平等”的社会地位。
• 但是，请注意在当时的社会中，宗教平等不是那么单纯的事情。宗教认同，和宗教的组织形式，是和整个社会运行、国家认同深度绑定的。宗教实践是重要的社区生活，宗教教义承担重要的教化和约束作用，宗教身份是政治运行所依据的重要标签，宗教权威是国家权威的一部分。在当时英国，处于主导地位的是英国国教（Church of England 或 Anglican Church，这两个名字在当时基本同义），给天主教徒以宗教平等，意味着大幅度改写现有的政治和司法规则。

p72 It need hardly be said that the Tory–Anglican political nation was outraged. Their loyalty to the Church proved greater than their loyalty to their anointed king. James soon discovered that no Tory–Anglican Parliament would repeal the anti-Catholic legislation and while a packed judiciary would uphold his suspension of that legislation, it would come back into force the moment he died and his Protestant heir took over. He therefore made a desperate bid to jettison the Tory squirearchy and to build an alternative power-base in an alliance of Catholics and Protestant Dissenters.

• 当时的主要政治角色，从政治态度上来分有托利党（可理解为当时的保守党）和辉格党（可理解为当时的自由党，在排斥运动失败后大受打击）；从宗教认同上来分有天主教徒（人数很少），国教徒（占主导和正统地位），新教徒，清教徒（更激进的新教徒分支）。大致而言，托利党和国教徒是重合或者联盟的，辉格党和新教徒重合或联盟，辉格党和新教徒一般就意味着反对、异议。
• 此前的排斥运动失败后，辉格党人的组织力受到极大打击，托利党势力大获全胜，充斥着各个重要岗位。而詹姆斯此时的举动极大的惹怒了当初拥立他上位的托利党人，他们大多是国教徒并且拥护其所代表的社会秩序更胜拥护这个王，那么其他的拉拢选项就只有新教徒了。于是詹姆斯做出了对于统治者而言非常找死的举动，他大幅清洗自己的权力根基，从别的地方提拔新人进政局——也就是新教徒们，异议者们。

p73 Ironically, while many Anglican leaders came to put their religion before their political principles, many Dissenters chose to put political principles first. They had little doubt that James was using them for present purposes only. Thus leaders of both parties joined in the desperate expedient of inviting William of Orange to come to England, suitably protected with armed men, to remonstrate with James. Perhaps they really believed that this would lead to James agreeing to William’s humiliating terms: the recall of the writ designed to produce a packed Parliament and new writs to return a ‘free’ Parliament; a declaration of war on France; and a commission to investigate the legitimacy of the infant Prince of Wales. Only a minority were willing to join William’s invasion by taking up arms; but even fewer were willing to lift their little fingers to help James.

• 但很遗憾，新教徒也不是傻子，詹姆斯为了拉拢他们而对法律体系所做的操作导致这些人发现自己比起国王更敬重法治。
• 于是从国教徒到新教徒，从托利党到辉格党，绝大多数的人在阻止詹姆斯这事上基本统一战线。他们中的一些人选择了邀请一个身为新教徒的荷兰君主威廉，率军队登陆英国来劝说詹姆斯二世接受他们的一揽子要求。支持这个做法的人不多，但愿意捍卫詹姆斯的人更少。

5.William III

p73 Whatever those who invited William may have expected, William himself almost certainly intended to depose James. He was taking a quite outrageous risk, justified only by the necessity of harnessing the whole of Britain’s military, naval, and financial resources to the struggle against Louis XIV.

• 当时的欧洲正陷于战争，法国的路易十四是一个天主教徒加绝对君主的典范，正四处征战。威廉在英国有自己的需求：他不能让英国的立场倒向法国，他需要英国的力量来加入他和他的荷兰所在的反法联盟。

p74 His (James II) flight to France, the public promises of Louis XIV to use French arms to restore him, and William’s clear statement that he would not protect the realm unless he shared the throne with his wife left the political nation no choice. Almost all Whigs and most Tories, rationalizing their conduct as best they could, and in a variety of ways, agreed that James had vacated his throne and that the Crown be offered jointly to William and Mary. The Glorious Revolution of 1688 was even more unanticipated and unplanned than the Great Rebellion of 1642; its consequences probably more momentous.

• 詹姆斯二世此时已经严重失了人心，然后选了更加致命的道路，跑到被本国所敌视的外国，并且这个强邻公开宣布要以武力支持他复辟。而此时唯一能让威廉同意保护英国的办法，是接受他的提议，让他与他的妻子玛丽成为联合国王（也就是不接受让玛丽继位而自己只做个入赘王夫的安排，但从血统上而言的正统继承人只有玛丽）。
• 不接受威廉的提议，英国就会陷入无政府和无保护的状态中，议会别无选择。但这仍然是艰难的一步，因为在当时，人们习惯的是王位自行传承，其他人顺服，从没有过像这样议会选择国王的事。这一步跨出去了，就相当于实际上遵循了一套全新的理念——那就是国王的统治首先是要为国家着想的，如果出现糟糕的情况，国民可以废黜国王，并且选择自己的新治理者——君权再也不是绝对神圣的了，那我们这个社会到底要何去何从？

6.Effects on the Crown

p74 Had the English Revolution had any lasting effects on the power of the Crown? The answer is that it had surprisingly little. In the 1680s the Crown was far better endowed financially, it had a growing but still inadequate civil service, and it had an unprecedented opportunity to create a standing army. Parliaments had shown themselves quite unable to defeat the king, in the sense of imposing on him restrictions and conditions that he disliked or taking away from him powers he had hitherto enjoyed. The royal prerogatives in the 1650s were little different from those of the 1600s. …… The only really major weakening of royal power had come in the legislation of 1641 which abolished those courts and councils which were particularly susceptible to royal control. The most important restriction was the one which took away from the Privy Council its judicial power. Its teeth removed, the Council ceased to be an executive, active body, monitoring, cajoling, and directing the work of local government, and reverted to what it had begun as: a talking shop, a place where the king sought advice. …… Almost all the methods by which Tudor and early Stuart kings could bring recalcitrant county communities to heel had been taken away. Government was more than ever by their active consent. In the 1660s all taxation except the customs, all ecclesiastical legislation (such as the Act of Uniformity, the Conventicle Acts, and the Five Mile Act), and most security matters were entrusted to the gentry magistrates, with no appeal from their decisions to the central courts.

• VSI这个丛书系列，每一本都保持大框架上差不多的结构，其中就包括，每一章的最后一小节一定是一个从新高度整合并提炼本章内容的地方，读起来非常爽。这个书系每一本都是以很短的篇幅（100页左右，32开本）介绍一个复杂的主题，很多地方因为篇幅限制不能展的太开，但是每章的总结部分还是会有非常亮眼的视角抬升。
• 光荣革命本身没有改变太多明面上的王室特权（赦免，任命之类），我读下来认为它的意义更在于一场由事实需求所带来的心态转变（毕竟在当时，事虽然做了但一时几乎没人愿意承认这是场革命。由议会选择放弃一个国王、接受一个新王听起来还是太惊世骇俗）。斯图亚特王朝统治英国的一个世纪，是许多事情在磕碰中摸索着发展的时代，很多事物和思潮要等到很多年后才能被认识、被总结、被赋予一个名字。
• 但是和心态的转变相伴的，权力的制度安排的转变，最主要的节点发生在1641年。那一年间，议会废除了许多王室可以直接操作地方治理、绕开司法规则、直接压迫宗教或政治异议者的机构，包括：星室法庭（Star Chamber），高等委员会（High Commission），枢密院（Privy Council）的司法权（judicial power），请愿法院（Court of Requests），北方和威尔士地区的边区委员会（Council of the North）（Council in the Marches of Wales）。王室失去了威逼利诱地方精英的制度性工具，剩下的那些特权几乎也就只能算装点门面的小玩意了，王室的中央统治前所未有的依赖于地方的积极合作。

p75-76 The abolition of the monarchy and the experience of republican rule thus had a very limited direct impact. Even the memory of Charles I’s public trial, conviction, and decapitation did not change the monarchy’s pretensions to rule by divine right or make it more respectful of Parliaments. After all, the political nation knew that regicide had cost them dear, that it had added to, rather than removed, their oppressions. The problems of matching resources to responsibilities had become clearer; but the problems themselves had neither increased nor diminished.

---

原书信息：Morrill, John. (1984). Stuart Britain: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-285400-3